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You’ve got a bank, its assets are $100 of loans, and its liabilities are $90 of deposits. Shareholders’ equity (assets minus liabilities) is $10, for a capital ratio (equity divided by assets) of 10%. Pretty normal stuff.
Then the assets go down: The loans were worth $100, but then interest rates went up and now they are only worth $85. This is less than $90, so the bank is insolvent, people panic, depositors get nervous and the bank fails. It is seized by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp., which quickly looks for a healthy bank to buy the failed one. Ideally a buyer will take over the entire failed bank, buying $85 worth of loans and assuming $90 worth of deposits; borrowers and depositors will wake up to find that they are now customers of the buyer bank, but everything else is the same.
How much should the buyer pay for this? The simple math is $85 of assets minus $90 of assets equals negative $5: The buyer should pay negative $5, which means something like “the FDIC gives the buyer $5 of cash to take over the failed bank,” though it could be more complicated.
But that simple math is not quite right. If you pay negative $5 to take over a bank with $85 of assets and $90 of liabilities, you effectively get a bank with $90 of assets, $90 of liabilities and $0 of shareholders’ equity. That doesn’t work. The bank, in the first paragraph, in the good times, did not have assets that equaled its liabilities; it had assets that were $10 more than its liabilities. Banks are required — by regulation but also by common sense — to have capital, that is, shareholders’ equity, assets that exceed their liabilities. The buyer bank also has to have assets that exceed its liabilities, to have capital against the assets that it buys. If it is buying $85 of loans, it will want to fund them with no more than, say, $75 of liabilities. If it is assuming $90 of deposits, it will have to pay, like, negative $15 for them, which means something like “the FDIC gives the buyer $15 to take over the failed bank.”
This is a little weird. You could imagine a different scenario. The FDIC seizes the bank and sells its loans to someone — a hedge fund, or a bank I guess — for $85, which is what they are worth. Then the FDIC just hands cash out to all the depositors at the failed bank, a total of $90, which is the amount of deposits. At the end of the day there’s nothing left of the failed bank and the FDIC is out of pocket $5, which is less than $15.
The FDIC mostly doesn’t do this, though, for a couple of reasons. One is that usually banks, even failed banks, have some franchise value: They have relationships and bankers and advisers that allow them to earn money, and the buying bank should want to pay something for that. The value of a bank is not just its financial assets minus its liabilities; its actual business is worth something too. Selling it whole can bring in more money.
Another reason is that this approach is far more disruptive than keeping the bank open: Telling depositors “your bank has vanished but here’s an envelope with your cash” is worse, for general confidence in the banking system, than telling them “oh your bank got bought this weekend but everything is normal.”
Also there is a capital problem for the banking system as a whole: If the FDIC just hands out checks for $90 to all the depositors, they will deposit those checks in other banks, which will then have $90 more of liabilities and will need some more capital as well. Selling the whole failed bank to another bank for $75 will cost the FDIC $15, but it will recapitalize the banking system. The goal is to have banks with ample capital, whose assets are worth much more than their liabilities; the acute problem with a failed bank is that it has negative capital; the solution is for someone to put in more money so that the system as a whole is well capitalized again. Sometimes the FDIC puts in the money.
This morning the FDIC seized First Republic Bank and sold it to JPMorgan Chase & Co. My best guess at First Republic’s balance sheet as of, you know, yesterday would be something like this:
Assets: Bonds worth about $30 billion; loans with a face value of about $173 billion but a market value of about $150 billion; cash of about $15 billion; other stuff worth about $9 billion; for a total of about $227 billion at pre-deal accounting values but only $204 billion of actual value.
Liabilities: Deposits of about $92 billion, of which $5 billion came from JPMorgan and $25 billion came from a group of other big banks, who put their money into First Republic in March to shore up confidence; the other $62 billion came from normal depositors. About $28 billion of advances from the Federal Home Loan Bank system. About $93 billion of short-term borrowings from the Federal Reserve (discount window and Bank Term Funding Program). Those three liabilities — to depositors, to the FHLB, to the Fed — really need to be paid back, and they add to about $213 billion. First Republic had some other liabilities, including a bit less than $1 billion of subordinated bonds, but let’s ignore those.
Equity: The book value of First Republic’s equity yesterday was something like $11 billion, including about $4 billion of preferred stock. The actual value of its equity was negative, though; its total assets of $204 billion, at market value, were less than the $213 billion it owed to depositors, the Fed and the FHLB, never mind its other creditors.
Here is, roughly, how the sale worked:
Assets: JPMorgan bought all the loans and bonds, marking them at their market value, about $30 billion for the bonds and $150 billion for the loans. It also bought $5 billion of other assets. And it attributed $1 billion to intangible assets, i.e. First Republic’s relationships and business. That’s a total of about $186 billion of asset value. JPMorgan left behind some assets, though, mainly the $15 billion of cash and about $4 billion of other stuff.
Liabilities: JPMorgan assumed all of the deposits and FHLB advances, plus another $2 billion of other liabilities, for a total of about $122 billion. (Of that, $5 billion was JPMorgan’s own deposit, which it will cancel.) The subordinated bonds got vaporized: “JPMorgan Chase did not assume First Republic Bank’s corporate debt or preferred stock.” That effectively leaves the shell of First Republic — now effectively owned by the FDIC in receivership — on the hook to pay back the roughly $93 billion it borrowed from the Fed.
Payment: JPMorgan will pay the FDIC $10.6 billion in cash now, and another $50 billion in five years. It will pay (presumably low) interest on that $50 billion. So the FDIC will get about $60.6 billion to pay back the Fed, plus the roughly $15 billion of cash and roughly $4 billion of other assets still left over at First Republic, for a total of about $80 billion. First Republic owes the Fed about $93 billion, leaving the FDIC’s insurance fund with a loss of $10 billion or so. “The FDIC estimates that the cost to the Deposit Insurance Fund will be about $13 billion,” says the FDIC’s announcement, though “This is an estimate and the final cost will be determined when the FDIC terminates the receivership.”
Equity: JPMorgan is getting about $186 billion of assets for about $182.6 billion ($122 billion of assumed liabilities, plus $10.6 billion in cash, plus $50 billion borrowed from the FDIC), meaning that it will have about a $3.4 billion equity cushion against these assets.
JPMorgan was the highest bidder in the FDIC’s weekend auction for First Republic; Bloomberg reports that its bid “was more appealing for the agency than the competing bids, which proposed breaking up First Republic or would have required complex financial arrangements to fund its $100 billion of mortgages.” And this is a pretty high bid: JPMorgan is paying $182.6 billion, total, in cash and assumed liabilities, for a bank with about $180 billion of loans and bonds at their current fair value; it is paying a bit extra for the other assets and the intangible value of the First Republic franchise. Still, it is acquiring the total package of assets for less than they are worth. That discount is required so that JPMorgan can properly capitalize the assets, so that it can have enough capital against them. And that discount is paid for by (1) First Republic’s shareholders, preferred stockholders and bondholders, who are getting wiped out and (2) the FDIC, which is also taking a loss on the deal.
Another point of the deal is that the FDIC is entering into loss-sharing agreements with JPMorgan, in which the FDIC will agree to bear 80% of the credit losses on First Republic’s mortgages and commercial loans. You can sort of imagine a simple story here: First Republic is a failed bank, it made some bad choices, who knows if its loans are toxic, JPMorgan had only a weekend to review them, it is not comfortable taking the risk, so it demanded that the FDIC share in the risk.
Gross: [Trump] appointed Jay Powell to head the Federal Reserve. What's Jay Powell's connection to PEFs?
Morgenson: Jay Powell was an executive - a high-ranking executive at the Carlyle Group in Washington for several years. So he definitely has, you know, the mindset of private equity. Donald Trump also had, as a very high-level adviser to him, Steve Schwarzman, who is the co-founder of the Blackstone Group. You would often see Steve at Donald Trump's, you know, right or left hand when they were having meetings about business. So, you know, these firms do have a lot of clout and power in Washington.
The other option is “do nothing.” First Republic reported earnings on Monday, and they were legendarily awful:
Across the industry, First Republic’s quarterly earnings report on Monday has come to be regarded as a disaster. The firm announced a larger-than-expected drop in deposits, then declined to take questions as executives presented a 12-minute briefing on results.
But First Republic reported a profit. The problem, for First Republic, is that lots of its low-interest deposits have fled, and it has had to replace their funding by borrowing from the Fed, the FHLB and the big banks at much higher rates. Meanwhile it still has lots of long-term loans made at low interest rates. If you borrow short at 0% to lend long at 3%, and then your short-term borrowing costs go up to 5% while your loans stay the same, you will be losing 2% a year on your loans, and that is roughly the state that First Republic finds itself in. But it is not exactly the state that First Republic finds itself in: It still has some cheap insured deposits, some short-term assets, some floating-rate assets, some fee income, and in fact it has managed to scrape out a profit even as rates have moved against it. Can that last? I mean, maybe not:
The deposit run has forced First Republic to rely on other, more expensive funding. That makes it hard to generate interest income, and at some point it might not be able to.
“They’ve never been super profitable,” said Tim Coffey, managing director and analyst at Janney Montgomery Scott. “Now you’re not growing and you’re layering on really high borrowing and funding costs.”
But a bank can stay in business even with some quarterly losses, as long as it remains well capitalized, and as a technical matter First Republic has enough capital to withstand some unprofitable quarters. And if you muddle along for long enough, the situation can right itself: The long-term low-interest loans will roll off and be replaced with higher-interest new loans, and First Republic’s interest margins will start to expand again. It might work! If you are a First Republic shareholder, “do nothing and hope the business recovers” is clearly the best option.
Of course deposits might keep flowing out, but so what? First Republic is now funded in large part with loans from the Fed and the FHLB, and I suppose they could just lend it some more money. When Silicon Valley Bank failed, the Fed put in place a new Bank Term Funding Program that was designed for more or less this purpose: The BTFP lets banks borrow against their assets without taking into account interest-rate losses, so that they can replace fleeing deposits with loans from the Fed. US regional banks spent years in a low interest rate environment, they were caught out by a rapid rate hiking cycle, and the Fed responded to that problem by lending them money to smooth out the transition.
The advantage of doing nothing is that nobody has to take any losses now. But the regulators seem to want to move. Bloomberg again:
The clock for striking such a deal began ticking louder late last week. US regulators reached out to some industry leaders, encouraging them to make a renewed push to find a private solution to shore up First Republic’s balance sheet, according to people with knowledge of the discussions.
The calls also came with a warning that banks should be prepared in case something happens soon.
And one way for something to happen soon is if the Fed stops lending to First Republic:
As weeks keep passing without a transaction, senior [FDIC] officials are increasingly weighing whether to downgrade their scoring of the firm’s condition, including its so-called Camels rating, according to people with direct knowledge of the talks. That would likely limit the bank’s use of the Fed’s discount window and an emergency facility launched last month, the people said.
Why? Why close a bank and take billions of dollars of losses if you don’t have to? The consequences of doing something are obvious and bad; the consequences of doing nothing are a bit more diffuse.
But let’s talk about some of them. One is that there are legal limits on the Fed’s ability to keep propping up First Republic. I mentioned the BTFP, the Fed’s post-Silicon Valley Bank program that lends to banks at 100% of the face value of their collateral, even if that collateral has lost money due to rising interest rates. But only US Treasury and agency securities are eligible to be BTFP collateral, and First Republic’s assets are mostly loans. Those loans tend to be pretty safe — they are mostly mortgages to rich people — but they are very exposed to interest-rate risk, so they have lost a lot of value. And it can’t use them to borrow from the BTFP.
Meanwhile these loans are eligible collateral at the Fed’s discount window, its more standard lending program, but the discount window lends against the market value of collateral, and these loans have lost a lot of value. If deposits keep fleeing from First Republic, its ability to replace those deposits with Fed loans depends on the market value of its assets, which means it might run out of capacity. If the FDIC is worried about that happening sometime soon, then there is some urgency to do something first.
More generally, the theory of central banking is that central banks should lend to solvent banks, but not prop up insolvent banks. The Fed’s statutes limit its ability to lend to undercapitalized banks. In some obvious economic sense, First Republic is undercapitalized — its assets are worth less than its liabilities, which is why we are talking about this — but legally it is fine and has plenty of regulatory capital.
But at some point, if the regulators conclude that First Republic is not viable, it is at least, like, embarrassing for them to keep lending it money. In the limit case, if all of First Republic’s deposits fled, you could imagine the Fed lending it $210 billion (up from its current $105 billion of Fed/FHLB money) so it could continue to limp along. But that’s bad! You don’t want a bank out there doing business, making loans, paying executive salaries, that is entirely funded by the Fed. You need some private-sector endorsement of the bank for the Fed to keep supporting it.
Also: The losses have already happened. First Republic made loans at low interest rates, now interest rates are higher, and so its loans are not worth what they used to be. As an accounting matter, those losses don’t have to be recognized yet; First Republic’s balance sheet is still technically solvent, and it can muddle along for a while. But economically the difference between “the banking system reports billions of dollars of losses today and then normal profits afterwards” and “the banking system bleeds these losses into lower accounting profits for the next few years” is not that great, and the former is more clarifying.
US economic growth slowed sharply in the first quarter of the year, despite strong consumer spending resilient to interest-rate rises designed to tame historic inflation.
The latest GDP figures released by the US commerce department show that the world’s largest economy slowed sharply from January through March, to just a 1.1% annual pace as businesses reduced inventories amid a decline in housing investment. The abrupt deceleration from 2.6% growth in the final three months of 2022 and 3.2% from July to September came in significantly under economists’ expectations of a 2% increase.
The figures indicate that aggressive interest rises designed to tame inflation are beginning to produce what US central bankers desired – a slowing economy coupled with reduced wage increases and a tighter job market without tipping it into outright recession.
“The data confirm the message from other indicators that while economic growth is slowing, it isn’t yet collapsing,” said Andrew Hunter, chief US economist at Capital Economics. “Nevertheless, with most leading indicators of recession still flashing red and the drag from tighter credit conditions still to feed through, we expect a more marked weakening soon.”
Resiliency in consumer spending, which rose 3.7%, reflected gains in goods and services and came as business investment in equipment recorded the biggest drop since the start of the pandemic in 2020 and inventories dropped the most in two years.
The Federal Reserve has indicated that while it has slowed the rate of interest rises, it expects commercial lenders, buffeted by the collapse of two regional banks this year, to tighten lending standards.
Many economists say the cumulative impact of Fed rate hikes and tighter lending requirements have yet to work their way through the system, presenting central bankers with a dilemma over whether to continue raising rates.
“The last thing the Federal Reserve wants to be doing is raising rates as the economy begins to grind to a halt and potentially exacerbating the situation,” said Marcus Brookes, chief investment officer at Quilter Investors. “The coveted soft landing is looking increasingly difficult to achieve and we are now getting towards a position where the market may become concerned that stagflation could be a likely possibility.”
There is widespread skepticism that the Fed will succeed in averting a recession. An economic model used by the Conference Board, a business research group, puts the probability of a US recession over the next year at 99%. That expectation is compounded by political risk, given congressional Republicans could let the US default on its debts by refusing to raise the statutory limit on what it can borrow. Wider global economic conditions are also in play.
Earlier this month, the International Monetary Fund downgraded its forecast for worldwide economic growth, citing rising interest rates around the world, financial uncertainty and chronic inflation.
The IMF chief, Kristalina Georgieva, said global growth would remain about 3% over the next five years: its lowest such forecast since 1990.
Seriously, Vanguard has to catch up to where they were in terms of customer service. There is no replacement to having human touch in communication of their needs. Having a robust interface on the website is one thing, but not everyone can fully take advantage of that feature. So Vanguard still have a way to go in order to catch up with Fidelity and Schwab.Lucas: Customer service complaints have always been sort of a feature of Vanguard’s history. If you go back to the days when Bogle led the firm—this is a point that I made at that conference—there were lots of complaints over the years about Vanguard’s customer service. I like to compare Vanguard to, say, those of you who shop at Aldi. If you go to Aldi, you have your quarter, you get your grocery cart, you bring your own bags or you put it in boxes. I would say Vanguard has got more customer service ethos than that, but it is something where it’s not necessarily been known for high-touch customer service. And it is trying to become a leader in customer service and to really improve its technological offer.
So, what Vanguard is trying to do is, because it has experienced over the course of its history and continues even in this first quarter, experienced such asset growth, it’s trying to enable investors to do as much as they can as simply as they can online, so without talking to a human advisor. And they’ve really made investments in technology. They’ve modernized their technology platform, and they’ve seen increased resiliency and increased customer service scores.
The big snafu they made in 2020 was—this is Vanguard, they’re always thinking about investor assets and costs and trying to save money on behalf of investors—so, in 2020, when the market turned down, they stepped back and they looked and they saw that historically when the market falls, client communications sort of fall off a cliff. So, they actually slowed their hiring of customer service representatives right at a time when—in fact, what happened with the lowering of interest rates is that investor demand shot up and that caused, I think, significant wait times and lots of frustration. They have normalized that, and I think are committed to sort of being a little bit more, call it, I don’t know if cautious is the right word, but they’re going to be more prone to overspend and I think on what they expect they will need to try and improve customer service. In talking with Vanguard leadership, they feel like they’ve heard that and they’re trying to become known for best-in-class customer service. That is a goal of theirs, and they say they’ve made progress in that. It remains to be seen. We hear a lot of comments from that here at Morningstar. But the big thing always to keep in mind is that Vanguard serves a lot of customers. So, you’d expect that some of them would be frustrated. And I’ve heard both success stories and stories of frustration, and we’ll see if the stories of frustration are minimized over the coming years.
Linear inertia is the resistance of a body or collection of bodies to altering its linear motion. That is, linear inertia is mass. It doesn't matter whether a box is filled with a single lump of lead or a collection of many feathers. So long as the total mass of each box is the same the linear inertia of the two boxes is the same.In the lead/feathers test, I bet people are quite sensitive to the inertia (both linear and angular) when lifting the two supposedly identical boxes and the experimenters neglected this.
Getting a grip on heaviness perception: a review of weight illusions and their probable causes, https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/24691760/ (cited on the originally linked page)Weight illusions--where one object feels heavier than an identically weighted counterpart--have been the focus of many recent scientific investigations. The most famous of these illusions is the 'size-weight illusion', where a small object feels heavier than an identically weighted, but otherwise similar-looking, larger object. There are, however, a variety of similar illusions which can be induced by varying other stimulus properties, such as surface material, temperature, colour, and even shape. Despite well over 100 years of research, there is little consensus about the mechanisms underpinning these illusions.
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